The Pink Book is the CDC’s core reference document for the diseases on the childhood immunization schedule. Every chapter contains an epidemiology section. Those sections, read as their authors wrote them, do not say what the vaccine narrative depends on them saying. This essay pulls the numbers directly from the Pink Book and places them alongside the historical mortality record for diseases where no vaccine was ever developed. Two independent source streams. One pattern. Establishment vocabulary such as “cases,” “incidence,” and “vaccine-induced immunity” appears inside quotation, official body names, or direct reference to the CDC’s own text. Where the essay speaks in its own voice, the terrain paradigm operates: mortality collapsed because living conditions changed, and the injections arrived to take credit for a decline the terrain had already produced.
The Sentence
The CDC’s Epidemiology and Prevention of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases is the reference document for the childhood immunization schedule. It is known as the Pink Book. On page 102 of Chapter 7, under the heading “Secular Trends in the United States,” the following sentences appear:
“During the 1920s, 100,000 to 200,000 cases of diphtheria (140 to 150 cases per 100,000 population) and 13,000 to 15,000 deaths were reported each year. After diphtheria toxoid-containing vaccines became available in the 1940s, the number of cases gradually declined to about 19,000 in 1945 (15 cases per 100,000 population). A more rapid decrease began with implementation of a universal childhood vaccination program which included diphtheria toxoid-containing vaccines beginning in the late 1940s.”¹
Read the middle sentence twice. Cases dropped from between 100,000 and 200,000 down to 19,000 before the universal childhood vaccination program began. The Pink Book places the beginning of that program in the late 1940s. The decline it describes had already cut cases by between 80 and 90 percent, depending on which end of the 1920s range is used as the baseline, before the program the document exists to promote was implemented.
The document does not phrase it this way. The document says vaccines “became available” in the 1940s and cases “gradually declined.” The word “available” is doing quiet work. A product being available on a shelf is not the same as a product being administered at population scale. The Pink Book knows the difference and marks it, in its own sentence, by placing “a more rapid decrease” after the universal program is described as beginning. The decline before the program is not attributed to the program because the document itself will not sustain that attribution.
This is the essay. What follows extends the reading across the schedule.
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The Diphtheria Curve in Longer Focus
The Pink Book’s numbers cover the 1920s forward. Suzanne Humphries and Roman Bystrianyk, working from US Public Health Service mortality tables, extend the picture backward and forward. In the United States, deaths from diphtheria declined by 98 percent between 1900 and the mid-1940s, before the DTP vaccine came into use.² The graph they publish for New York City shows the diphtheria mortality rate for children up to ten years of age already collapsing between 1894 and 1900, falling from 785 per 100,000 to under 300, and reaching below 100 by 1920, the year mass toxoid vaccination of school children began.³
There is a further wrinkle in the historical record that complicates the standard story. Diphtheria antitoxin, the horse-serum product introduced in 1895 and celebrated as a great medical advance, preceded a large spike in diphtheria mortality in Leicester, England. The rise in deaths ran roughly ten to fifteen times higher than in the previous fifty-seven years and continued for another five years.⁴ In the United States, the downward trend in diphtheria mortality was interrupted after the toxoid vaccine was introduced in 1920. Mortality spiked briefly, then resumed its decline.⁵ In the version of the story taught to medical students, the toxoid ended diphtheria. In the actual sequence of events, the toxoid arrived at the tail end of a long descent, was followed by a spike in deaths, and was then credited with the recovery from the setback it had caused.
The Pink Book does not include this. It reports the CDC’s own preferred window, which begins in the 1920s and shows only the descent. Even within that window, the descent from 100,000 to 200,000 cases down to 19,000 is admitted to have taken place before universal vaccination. Extending the window backward strengthens the point. The direction of the curve was set before the products arrived.
The Experiment the CDC Never Had to Run
The obvious rebuttal is that the diphtheria toxoid, once it became widely used, drove the final descent. Even if the pre-vaccine decline was real, the vaccine did the last mile.
The natural experiment that would decide the question is a disease with the same historical trajectory as diphtheria but no vaccine at any point. Two such diseases exist. The CDC never had to run the experiment. History ran it.
Scarlet fever was, in the 1800s, a larger killer of children than smallpox, whooping cough, measles, or diphtheria.⁶ It was blamed for one in every twenty-three deaths in London during the fifteen years from 1847 to 1861.⁷ In Providence, Rhode Island, the scarlet fever death rate for children aged two to four fell from 691 per 100,000 in 1865 to 28.3 per 100,000 in 1924, a decline of about 96 percent.⁸ England and Wales mortality data show the same descent from the mid-1800s into the mid-1900s, near total elimination by the time antibiotics came into use in the 1940s.⁹ No scarlet fever vaccine was ever developed for population use. A toxin-based vaccine existed briefly in the 1920s and was abandoned because of severe adverse reactions.¹⁰
The bacterium is still present. It colonizes 15 to 20 percent of school children today.¹¹ Nothing eradicated it. What used to kill children now barely produces symptoms, by a mechanism that had nothing to do with a vaccine, because no vaccine was ever developed.
Typhoid tells the same story with different numbers. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, typhoid killed 40,000 to 50,000 Americans a year.¹² The Pink Book has no chapter on typhoid, because typhoid is not on the childhood immunization schedule. A typhoid vaccine exists for travelers to endemic regions. It is not a childhood vaccine and never has been. From 1900 to 1943, US deaths from typhoid and paratyphoid fever combined declined by 98 percent, from 31.3 per 100,000 to 0.5 per 100,000.¹³ The historical record attributes this to chlorination of drinking water, sewage systems, milk pasteurization, and the end of the era in which cows drank from filthy water and the milkman diluted the product with more of it.¹⁴
The 98 percent decline in typhoid mortality between 1900 and 1943 is the same magnitude and the same time frame as the 98 percent decline in diphtheria mortality across the same period. One had a vaccine coming into use at the end of that window. One had no vaccine at all. The curves are identical. The variable that mattered was not the presence or absence of a vaccine. It was elsewhere.
Note what this closes. The critic cannot say that vaccination accelerated a decline that would otherwise have stalled, because scarlet fever and typhoid show the decline running to near completion without any vaccination program at all. The critic cannot say that the pre-vaccine decline plateaus and only the vaccine finishes the job, because the plateau does not appear in the no-vaccine cases. What the data show is uninterrupted descent, arriving at near zero in the same window across which diphtheria descends by the same magnitude and along the same slope. The pattern is not vaccine-dependent. Something else drove it, and the rest of this essay asks what.
Measles Followed the Same Curve
Chapter 13 of the Pink Book, page 196, describes measles in the pre-vaccine era:
“Before 1963, approximately 500,000 cases and 500 measles deaths were reported annually, with epidemic cycles every 2 to 3 years. However, the actual number of cases was estimated at 3 to 4 million annually. More than 50% of persons had measles by age 6 years, and more than 90% by age 15 years.”¹⁵
Do the arithmetic. Five hundred deaths on 500,000 reported cases is a case fatality rate of 0.1 percent. One in a thousand. This is the CDC’s own figure for the year the vaccine was licensed. By 1963, a child who developed measles was, on the CDC’s own numbers, 99.9 percent likely to survive it.
Compare that to the historical record. In Glasgow in 1908, 14.2 percent of children under five developed measles and 5.8 percent of them died, a case fatality rate of 5.8 percent.¹⁶ In a Paris orphanage between 1867 and 1872, 612 of 1256 children who developed measles died, a case fatality rate of 49 percent.¹⁷ By 1960, in England and Wales, case fatality from measles had fallen to 0.030 percent, one two-hundredth of the 1908 Glasgow rate.¹⁸ The Pink Book’s 0.1 percent figure for the United States in the same era sits in the same order of magnitude.
The measles vaccine was licensed in 1963. The 99 percent-plus reduction in measles case fatality had already occurred. Humphries and Bystrianyk, using US mortality data from 1900 onward, document that population mortality from measles declined by more than 98 percent before the vaccine was introduced.¹⁹ The vaccine did not save the children who had already stopped dying.
The Pink Book credits the vaccine with a further decline in reported cases after 1963. Reported cases and mortality are different measurements. The number of cases counted by health authorities can fall for many reasons, including changes in diagnostic criteria, changes in reporting requirements, and changes in what a health worker considers worth reporting. Mortality is harder to move. When 999 out of every 1000 children who become ill from a condition survive it, that condition is no longer a mortality threat. The vaccine arrived in that world. It did not create that world.
Pertussis: The Vaccine the CDC Admits Does Not Work
Chapter 16 of the Pink Book, pages 244-245, opens the pertussis epidemiology section:
“Before the availability of vaccine, pertussis was a common cause of morbidity and mortality among children. During the 6-year period from 1940 through 1945, more than 1 million cases of pertussis were reported, an average of 175,000 cases per year (approximately 150 cases per 100,000 population). Following introduction of whole-cell pertussis vaccine in the 1940s, pertussis incidence gradually declined.”²⁰
The Pink Book gives case numbers but withholds pre-vaccine mortality data in this section. Humphries and Bystrianyk provide it: whooping cough mortality in the United States had declined by more than 90 percent before the DTP vaccine came into use in the mid-1940s.²¹ The pattern established for diphtheria and measles repeats.
The pertussis chapter then does something the other chapters do not do. It documents the failure of the vaccine after decades of use. Continuing on page 245:
“Reported pertussis incidence has been gradually increasing in the United States since the late 1980s and early 1990s, and large epidemic peaks in disease have been observed since the mid-2000s. A total of 48,277 pertussis cases were reported in 2012, the largest number reported since the mid-1950s.”²²
Read those numbers. In 2012, pertussis case counts reached their highest level since 1955. The same chapter reports that among children born in 2016-2017, vaccination coverage stood at 93.3 percent for at least three doses of DTaP by age 24 months.²³ Peak case counts under 93 percent vaccination coverage now match the peaks from the era before mass vaccination began.
The Pink Book explains this on the same page:
“waning of vaccine-induced immunity is thought to play a key role in countries, including the United States, that have transitioned to acellular vaccines in the 1990s.”²⁴
And on the next page:
“an increasing burden of reported cases in the United States is now occurring among fully vaccinated children and adolescents.”²⁵
The CDC is not describing an edge case. It is describing how the pertussis vaccine operates in the general population, over the ordinary course of a childhood, under conditions of high coverage. The vaccine wears off. Vaccinated children get pertussis. The peak case count under 93 percent coverage now matches the peak from the era before the vaccine existed. All three facts are on page 244 and 245 of the Pink Book, in the CDC’s own text.
The document that exists to promote the vaccine says the vaccine does not do what it is credited with doing.
Polio: A Statistical Artifact and a Vaccine
Polio is the case the reader may think defeats the pattern. It does not, but it requires a longer accounting than this essay can provide. What follows is enough to close the immediate objection. A fuller treatment, and Forrest Maready’s The Moth in the Iron Lung is that treatment, belongs in its own essay.
Chapter 18 of the Pink Book, page 278, states:
“From the more than 21,000 paralytic cases reported in 1952, only 2,525 cases were reported in 1960 and 61 cases in 1965.”²⁶
This looks, on its face, like vaccine success. The inactivated polio vaccine was introduced in 1955. Cases fell dramatically thereafter. The chapter presents this as the story.
Two facts complicate the reading. The first appears earlier on the same page:
“In the immediate prevaccine era, during the first half of the 20th century, improved sanitation resulted in less frequent exposure and increased the age of primary infection, resulting in large epidemics with high numbers of deaths.”²⁷
The Pink Book is here using a terrain argument. The rise in polio cases in the early twentieth century, on the CDC’s own account, was driven by environmental change, specifically the effects of improved sanitation on the age at which children encountered the organism. The document invokes terrain to explain the rise. It then abandons terrain to explain the fall.
The second fact concerns diagnostic definition. In 1954, the year before the Salk vaccine was introduced, the diagnostic criteria for paralytic poliomyelitis were changed. Before 1954, a case counted as paralytic polio if symptoms of paralysis were present at two examinations 24 hours apart. From 1954 forward, residual paralysis had to be documented 10 to 20 days after onset and again 50 to 70 days after onset.²⁸ Cases were also reassigned to newly distinguished diagnostic categories, including what the establishment classifies as Coxsackie virus infection and aseptic meningitis.
The consequence of this change was stated in 1960 by a biostatistician working within the mainstream of American public health. Bernard Greenberg was chairman of the biostatistics department at the University of North Carolina School of Public Health. He was not a critic of vaccination. He was not writing outside the establishment literature. He was addressing a conference on the polio data, five years after the Salk vaccine’s introduction. He said the following:
“This change in definition meant that in 1955 we started reporting a new disease, namely, paralytic poliomyelitis with a longer lasting paralysis. Furthermore, diagnostic procedures have continued to be refined. Coxsackie virus infections and asceptic meningitis have been distinguished from paralytic poliomyelitis. Prior to 1954 large numbers of these cases undoubtedly were mislabeled as paralytic poliomyelitis. Thus, simply by changes in diagnostic criteria, the number of paralytic cases was predetermined to decrease in 1955-1957, whether or not any vaccine was used.”²⁹
The claim on the page is that the number of paralytic polio cases was going to fall in 1955 through 1957 regardless of whether any vaccine was used. The claim was made in 1960 by a chairman of biostatistics at a major public health school. It was published in the conference proceedings. It was never retracted.
It appears nowhere in the Pink Book.
Cases counted under one definition were bound to fall when the definition was tightened. The Pink Book’s own numbers, 21,000 in 1952 down to 2,525 in 1960, are the record of a definitional change and a vaccine introduction happening in the same window. The document presents them as a single cause. The historical record, as documented in Maready and traceable to the 1960 conference proceedings, shows two causes running in parallel and one being credited with the work of both.
The longer account of polio, which includes the correlation between reported polio case peaks and pesticide use (lead arsenate through the 1930s, DDT after 1945), the Cutter incident, and SV40 contamination, is a separate essay.
What Actually Changed, and How the Credit Was Assigned
The Pink Book’s polio chapter says it. Improved sanitation changed the terrain. So did water chlorination, sewage systems, milk pasteurization, refrigeration, less overcrowded housing, better nutrition, the end of tenement life on the scale of the late 1800s. Humphries and Bystrianyk trace the mortality declines for diphtheria, scarlet fever, whooping cough, measles, typhoid, and tuberculosis and place them all within the same window and against the same underlying causes.³⁰ Thomas McKeown, working from British mortality data, arrived at the same conclusion decades earlier from within mainstream epidemiology.³¹ On the question of what drove the mortality decline, the evidence points in one direction from every angle it has been examined from.
The vaccines were licensed at the end of that decline. Diphtheria toxoid was available in the 1920s, universal program in the late 1940s. Whole-cell pertussis in the 1940s. Measles in 1963. Each product arrived at a point when the disease it was designed to prevent had already been reduced to a fraction of its historical mortality.
The reassignment of credit followed the ordinary path of institutional teaching. Public health authorities credited the vaccines, medical schools taught the credited version, textbooks reproduced it, pediatricians received it in their training and passed it on. Within a generation, the credited version was institutional common knowledge.
The presentation of the data adjusted accordingly. The Pink Book’s diphtheria chapter begins its narrative in the 1920s. If the chapter began in 1900, the 98 percent pre-vaccine mortality decline would be visible on the page. It does not begin in 1900.
The schedule then became a bureaucratic fact. Vaccines already licensed and on the schedule are difficult to remove. Once the schedule exists, questioning any element becomes questioning the schedule itself, which becomes questioning public health, which becomes disqualifying.
The reassignment of credit did not require a conspiracy. It was the natural output of a system in which each participant had every reason to accept the story as given and no reason to check the source documents. The source documents remain, mostly untouched, in the Pink Book, in the vital statistics of every industrialized country, in the mortality tables Humphries reproduced from US Public Health Service records, in the diagnostic redefinitions Maready documented, in the historical scholarship of McKeown. Nobody has to read any of them for the credited version to continue operating.
The decline curves belong to conditions that changed. The credit was assigned to products that arrived after the change.
How to Explain It to a Six-Year-Old
There is a fire in a house. The neighbors run over with buckets of water and put most of it out. What is left is smoke and a few embers.
Then the fire truck arrives. The firemen point their hoses at the smoke, spray water on the embers, and the smoke goes away.
The fire chief writes a report. In the report, the fire truck saves the house. The neighbors are not mentioned. The buckets are not mentioned. When the mayor gives out medals, the medals go to the firemen.
The next week, another fire. The neighbors are told to put down their buckets and wait for the fire truck. That is what saved the house last time, they are told.
The house burns.
Truth Be Told: I’ve Accepted an Invitation to Speak on The Unvaccinated
On September 17th, I’ll be giving a one-hour presentation titled The Unvaccinated as part of a six-hour livestream called Truth Be Told. This is the first time I have accepted an invitation to an event, and I have been honoured with the opening act. The livestream begins at 12pm EST.
Vaccination is the subject closest to my heart, and this is another opportunity to spread the word. The format will preserve the pen name.
Tickets are here.
The code UNBEKOMING is $5 off and applies automatically at that link. Replay available afterwards. Hope you can make it.
In Print
Seven of my books are now available as paperbacks, printed to order through Lulu and shipped worldwide. The Unvaccinated lays out the completely unvaccinated as a comparison group across twenty chapters and five appendices — as far as I know, the only book of its kind. Medicalized Motherhood follows a woman through 123 documented interventions from teenage pill to postpartum discharge. Drilling for Profit argues that cavities, gum disease, and crooked teeth are a dietary problem the dental profession treats surgically. What Your Vet Can’t Tell You applies the same critique to pets — food, vaccines, and a profession trained by the industries whose products cause the harm. Escape from Psychiatry documents the fabrication of the DSM, the collapse of the serotonin hypothesis, and the specific damage done by every major psychiatric drug class.
Two more take up what the first five leave out — the remedies the first five explain why you need. The DMSO Book covers 100,000 studies, zero deaths, and one approval — the suppressed science of medicine’s most versatile compound. Chlorine Dioxide: The Forbidden Remedy collects the interviews, protocols, and evidence from the doctors and researchers they tried to silence.
A physical book reaches the person a Substack post never will — the sceptical relative, the friend who won’t click a link but might open a book, the visitor whose eye lands on a coffee table. Buy one to keep, and one to give away.
Appendix A: Mortality and Case Data by Disease
Diphtheria
Source: Pink Book Ch. 7, p. 102
Peak reported burden: 1920s: 100,000-200,000 cases and 13,000-15,000 deaths annually
Pre-vaccine decline: Cases down to 19,000 by 1945 (80-90% decline); mortality down 98% between 1900 and mid-1940s (Humphries)
Vaccine introduced: Toxoid available in 1940s; universal childhood program late 1940s
Notes: The Pink Book itself locates the major decline before universal vaccination
Scarlet Fever
Source: Historical vital statistics; Humphries Ch. 11
Peak reported burden: Mid-1800s (1 in 23 London deaths, 1847-1861)
Pre-vaccine decline: ~96% decline in Providence, RI, 1865-1924; near total in England and Wales by mid-1900s
Vaccine introduced: Never developed for population use
Notes: Bacterium still colonizes 15-20% of school children
Typhoid
Source: US Public Health Service; Humphries Ch. 11
Peak reported burden: 1900: 31.3 deaths per 100,000; 40,000-50,000 US deaths per year in late 1800s to early 1900s
Pre-vaccine decline: 98% decline in mortality between 1900 and 1943
Vaccine introduced: Not on childhood schedule; traveler’s vaccine only
Notes: Attributed to chlorination, sewage systems, milk pasteurization
Measles
Source: Pink Book Ch. 13, p. 196
Peak reported burden: Pre-1963: ~500,000 reported cases and 500 deaths annually (CFR ~0.1%)
Pre-vaccine decline: Population mortality down 98%+ from 1900 to 1963 (Humphries); CFR down from 5.8% (Glasgow 1908) to 0.030% (E&W 1960)
Vaccine introduced: 1963
Notes: The mortality collapse preceded the vaccine by decades
Pertussis
Source: Pink Book Ch. 16, pp. 244-245
Peak reported burden: 1940-45: ~175,000 cases per year
Pre-vaccine decline: Mortality down 90%+ before mid-1940s (Humphries)
Vaccine introduced: Whole-cell in 1940s; acellular in 1990s
Notes: 2012 case count (48,277) highest since mid-1950s despite ~93% coverage
Polio
Source: Pink Book Ch. 18, p. 278
Peak reported burden: 1952: 21,000+ paralytic cases
Pre-vaccine decline: Cases to 2,525 by 1960; 61 by 1965
Vaccine introduced: IPV 1955; OPV 1961
Notes: Diagnostic criteria changed in 1954 (Greenberg); Pink Book invokes terrain to explain the rise
Appendix B: Direct Quotes from the Pink Book
Diphtheria (Chapter 7, p. 102):
“During the 1920s, 100,000 to 200,000 cases of diphtheria (140 to 150 cases per 100,000 population) and 13,000 to 15,000 deaths were reported each year. After diphtheria toxoid-containing vaccines became available in the 1940s, the number of cases gradually declined to about 19,000 in 1945 (15 cases per 100,000 population). A more rapid decrease began with implementation of a universal childhood vaccination program which included diphtheria toxoid-containing vaccines beginning in the late 1940s.”
Measles (Chapter 13, p. 196):
“Before 1963, approximately 500,000 cases and 500 measles deaths were reported annually, with epidemic cycles every 2 to 3 years. However, the actual number of cases was estimated at 3 to 4 million annually. More than 50% of persons had measles by age 6 years, and more than 90% by age 15 years.”
Pertussis (Chapter 16, pp. 244-245):
“Before the availability of vaccine, pertussis was a common cause of morbidity and mortality among children. During the 6-year period from 1940 through 1945, more than 1 million cases of pertussis were reported, an average of 175,000 cases per year (approximately 150 cases per 100,000 population).”
“A total of 48,277 pertussis cases were reported in 2012, the largest number reported since the mid-1950s.”
“waning of vaccine-induced immunity is thought to play a key role in countries, including the United States, that have transitioned to acellular vaccines in the 1990s.”
“an increasing burden of reported cases in the United States is now occurring among fully vaccinated children and adolescents.”
Polio (Chapter 18, p. 278):
“In the immediate prevaccine era, during the first half of the 20th century, improved sanitation resulted in less frequent exposure and increased the age of primary infection, resulting in large epidemics with high numbers of deaths.”
“From the more than 21,000 paralytic cases reported in 1952, only 2,525 cases were reported in 1960 and 61 cases in 1965.”
References
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Epidemiology and Prevention of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases. Hall E., Wodi A.P., Hamborsky J., et al., eds. 14th ed. Washington, D.C.: Public Health Foundation, 2021. Chapter 7 (Diphtheria), p. 102.
Humphries S. and Bystrianyk R. Dissolving Illusions: Disease, Vaccines, and the Forgotten History. 2013. See Chapter 11 and Graph 11.9 (United States diphtheria mortality rate from 1900 to 1967).
Ibid. Discussion of New York City data, citing period from 1894 to 1920.
Ibid. Discussion of Leicester, England, diphtheria mortality following the 1895 introduction of diphtheria antitoxin. See Graph 11.7.
Ibid. Discussion of United States diphtheria mortality following the 1920 introduction of the toxoid vaccine.
Ibid. Chapter 11, on the mortality burden of scarlet fever in the 1800s.
Ibid. Citing English and Welsh mortality data for the fifteen years 1847-1861.
Ibid. Citing Providence, Rhode Island, scarlet fever mortality data for children aged two to four, 1865-1924.
Ibid. See Graph 11.1 (England and Wales scarlet fever mortality rate from 1838 to 1978).
Ibid. Discussion of the abandoned scarlet fever toxin vaccine.
Ibid. Chapter 11, noting that Streptococcus pyogenes continues to colonize 15-20 percent of school children.
Ibid. Chapter on typhoid, citing estimates for late 1800s and early 1900s US mortality.
Ibid. Citing US Public Health Service mortality data, 1900 to 1943.
Ibid. Discussion of chlorination, sewage systems, milk pasteurization, and their role in the decline of typhoid and related waterborne conditions.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Epidemiology and Prevention of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases. 14th ed. Chapter 13 (Measles), p. 196.
Humphries S. and Bystrianyk R. Dissolving Illusions. Chapter 14, citing Glasgow measles data for 1908.
Ibid. Citing Hospice des Enfants Assistés data for 1867-1872.
Ibid. Citing England and Wales measles mortality data for 1960.
Ibid. See Graph 11.6 (United States measles mortality rate from 1900 to 1987) and accompanying text.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Epidemiology and Prevention of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases. 14th ed. Chapter 16 (Pertussis), p. 244.
Humphries S. and Bystrianyk R. Dissolving Illusions. See Graph 11.5 (United States whooping cough mortality) and accompanying text.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Epidemiology and Prevention of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases. 14th ed. Chapter 16, p. 244.
Ibid. Chapter 16, p. 245.
Ibid. Chapter 16, p. 244.
Ibid. Chapter 16, p. 245.
Ibid. Chapter 18 (Poliomyelitis), p. 278.
Ibid. Chapter 18, p. 278.
Maready F. The Moth in the Iron Lung: A Biography of Polio. Feels Like Fire, 2018. Discussion of the 1954 diagnostic criteria change for paralytic poliomyelitis.
Greenberg B., quoted in Maready F., The Moth in the Iron Lung. Statement from a 1960 conference on the polio data. The full source citation for the conference proceedings is in Maready’s endnote 112.
Humphries S. and Bystrianyk R. Dissolving Illusions. Chapter 11 in particular, covering the parallel mortality declines for the major conditions medicine classifies as infectious diseases of childhood.
McKeown T. The Role of Medicine: Dream, Mirage, or Nemesis? Nuffield Provincial Hospitals Trust, 1976. On the historical role of improved living standards in the mortality decline for the conditions classified as infectious in Britain.
Brilliant logical summary (as usual) of the intentionally skewed statistics used to justify the practice of vaccination!
There’s one odd aspect of the “Audio Deep Dive:” Knowing of your stance on the issue of “viruses” (“No Virus”) — which I share — the Audio Deep Dive refers to the “measles virus” and the “polio virus” as if they were real causal entities for those conditions without any qualification. You usually put some type of qualifier in your Author’s Note for such orthodox statements, so I was surprised to hear that without a qualifier. The essay itself doesn't do that, referring to viruses only as something the orthodoxy would say.
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